Danish Marmite ban – not Pia Kjærsgaard’s next populist plan to keep foreigners away

Today’s Guardian has the story that Denmark is to ban Marmite. As the FT’s Stanley Pignal quipped on Twitter, is this the next step (after new customs controls, despite Schengen) from Denmark’s populist Dansk Folkeparti to keep foreigners away by banning their foods?

While the idea of Pia Kjærsgaard lobbing jars of Marmite across the border is an amusing one, the case is an interesting matter of EU versus national law, and that law is not on Copenhagen’s side.

Essentially EU food law is supreme over national food law, and has been for years in the EU’s single market. This means that a product that is safe for sale in one EU Member State is allowed to be sold in other Member States. Continue reading

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Introducing the Cathy Ashton Sentence Generator

German Green MEP Reinhard Bütikofer outlines his concerns about Cathy Ashton this week in Strasbourg, including that she’s a ‘sentence generator’:

So it gave me an idea. Now you can have a go as well, thanks to the automated Ashton Sentence Generator

Portugal’s emergency loan – why ‘bailout’ is the wrong word

I was on the BBC World Service programme “World Have Your Say” (programme site, blog) earlier to talk about the implications of the election success of Timo Soini’s True Finns party in yesterday’s parliamentary election. The discussion briefly examined the reasons for the support for this populist party, but the main focus was what the consequences will be for Portugal’s ‘bailout’ from the EU, as all 17 Eurozone members have to agree to assistance for Portugal. The BBC has a Q&A about it here, Gavin Hewitt is talking about political earthquakes here, and YLA has a summary of the main parties’ positions here.

But what is this ‘bailout’ actually?

What – importantly – does the image of ‘bailout’ conjure up in your mind? It’s the picture of water being thrown overboard from a leaking ship and – once the water is out – it’s subsumed into the rest of the ocean, lost.

Hence – in political terms – the very image of ‘bailout’ is wrong. It implies that the money (from the Finns in the case of Soini’s argument) will never be returned. But that is not so, as eloquently argued in this blog post by Henning Meyer at Social Europe Journal. Money is being lent, not given, and is being lent at rates at which lending countries will make a profit.

So this is not a bailout for Portugal. It is an emergency loan. That’s an important difference.

Photo: Amir Jina “Bailing
December 22, 2007 via Flickr, Creative Commons Attribution

Beyond the slogans Reding’s data protection principles aren’t too bad

EU justice Commissioner (and, very incidentally, Commissioner responsible for communications) Viviane Reding yesterday gave a speech entitled “Your data, your rights: Safeguarding your privacy in a connected world”. You can read the speech here, and there are articles from The Guardian, The Register and The Telegraph.

I’m actually surprised – the way Reding fleshes out the principles for the policy are better than I had hoped.

The speech outlines 4 pillars on which future EU data protection policy relating to social networks is going to be based. These are the “right to be forgotten”, “transparency”, “privacy by default” and “protection regardless of data location”.

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EU Navfor website – tell them what you think of their mission

When EU institutional comms are not up to scratch I say so – see posts about the EEAS, Citzalia and the Citizens’ Initiative for example. So it’s only fair, in return, when I see a good example of what the European Union is doing to give some credit where credit’s due.


I was hence very happy to see how the European Union Naval Force Somalia – Operation ATALANTA is presented on the web. The site has an engaging, news style design, and the homepage makes good use of photos and even some video. There’s a tag cloud, RSS, and the option to share each article on social networks, and it’s possible to comment directly on articles. Plus the whole thing is built on WordPress.

I am in no position to politically judge whether this mission is working well or not (more about it on Wikipedia here), but at least they are managing to cover the basics well and draw together the news of what they are doing in a contemporary and reasonably interesting manner.

I’m sure my critics will say, well, yes, this is just a small mission. Perhaps. But it’s also a sensitive matter, and they are making a good effort in their external communications, an effort the rest of the EU institutions would do well to learn from.

The EU and mobile phone / 3G data roaming

SIM Cards - CC / Flickr

SIM Cards - CC / Flickr

I have respect for the UK blog Political Betting – I never bet on anything, but I like Mike Smithson’s rigourous analysis of odds. However when it comes to anything to do with the European Union reason and rigour seem to go out of the window. Take his recent rant entitled “Why’s the EU soft on the data roaming racket?”, a post that ends with an appeal to Vince Cable to make the EU get tough on the fact that 3G data is capped at €1 / Mb when roaming, but costs one hundredth of that price when at home.

Don’t get me wrong – Smithson’s point that roaming charges are too high is all too true. I spend so much time on the road that I rely heavily on 3G data and have all sorts of tricks and a variety of SIM Cards to allow me to get online where I need to.

But – as I have emphasised on this blog before – price caps of the sort imposed by the EU are a non-market friendly, partial solution to a problem that would not even exist if the market for 3G data (and by extension the mobile phone market in general) functioned properly.

Continue reading

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The 3 crucial ingredients for the accession of Norway to the EU

Oslo Opera House - CC / Flickr

Oslo Opera House - CC / Flickr

Norway goes to the polls on 14th September and the election is being held at a time when Norway’s position in the world is in some question: what role for the oil rich country of 4.5 million people at the northern edge of Europe? The influence of the EU on the poll has today been highlighted through an internal note (obtained by Aftenposten) written by Norwegian Ambassador to the EU Oda Helen Sletnes, raising concerns about how Norway is losing influence in Brussels.

Let’s face it – Norway’s position is ludicrous. The EEA agreement, in force since the 1990s, suits no-one. Norway is part of the Single Market for everything except agriculture and fish, but has no say over any of the decisions. So directives and regulations get agreed in Brussels and sent to Oslo. It would be better for Norway to have a seat at the table in Brussels, and even the Swiss position is easier to defend than the status quo for Norway.

So what would have to happen for Norway to join the EU and get a seat at the table?

1. The right election result. There have regularly been majorities of members of the Stortinget that are in favour of EU accession, but governing coalitions are almost always divided on the issue. Senior coalition partner in the current administration, PM Jens Stoltenberg’s Arbeiterparti, are pro-EU, while junior coalition parties – the Left Party and Centre Party are eurosceptic. On the right Høyre (Conservatives) are EU-favourable, the Fremskrittspartiet (Progress Party) are not. Hence the only way to move on EU questions is for either pro-EU party to do well enough to form a minority administration without the need for a formal coalition. Høyre are not going to manage it (and personally I don’t want the Conservatives to do well anyway) so Brussels should be hoping for a Arbeiterparti minority administration.

2. Iceland joining the EU. Iceland has been hit by the financial crisis more than Norway has, and in June 2009 tabled a formal request for accession. Were Iceland to make major steps towards the EU it would make Norway’s position in EFTA look even more untenable.

3. Reform of the EU’s fisheries policies. Norway (and indeed Iceland) have been rightly critical of the EU’s fisheries policies in the past. If the European Commission gets its act together and proposes some decent environmental reforms of EU fisheries policies (how about a Commissioner for fisheries from a northern country this autumn?) then one of the major arguments against accession will be removed.

A 4th ingredient – decent leadership for the Yes campaign – has already been achieved, with the appointment of the sharp and savvy Paal Frisvold as chair of Europabevegelsen (European Movement) – more on this in Norwegian here.

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Some wacky ways to improve the EU

Question Mark - CC / Flickr

Question Mark - CC / Flickr

I’m rather conscious that I have a tendency to rant and complain on this blog. So after some interesting questions posed by the audience at an event organised by le Cercle québécois des affaires internationales where I was the speaker earlier today, here are a few strange and radical ideas to improve the EU.

  1. Employ an extra 10000 Commission officials. Essentially if you compare the EU institutions with ministries of national governments the numbers of people employed are miniscule. The Commission has about 24000 staff, the UK’s DWP more than 95000. So few staff (and among them a whole bunch of translators and interpreters) means the European Commission is too reliant on lobbyists and consultants. More staff would help.
  2. Shut down Strasbourg. The Strasbourg seat of the European Parliament makes the institution inefficient and wasteful. Close the Strasbourg building, and save €200 million a year. It will help pay for the extra Commission staff.
  3. Mix up the DGs of the Commission. No-one has had a proper and fundamental look at how the Directorates General of the Commission are organised for years and years – could some be merged or abolished? Work out what areas need more staff, and the areas that need less. Make sure French dominance of agriculture is well and truly broken. While doing this streamline the systems of inter-service consultation and paper trails to directors.
  4. Introduce an EU tax. This should be constitutionally limited – i.e. maximum percentage of GDP set. It should have direct taxation and indirect taxation elements, with the emphasis on taxation of a cross border nature – taxation on airline fuel for example. Parties then run in EP elections on the basis of whether they want to increase or decrease the budget of the EU. This system would put the financial power together with the legislative power, with a constitutional limit to prevent over-spend. This would be coupled with complete budget transparency – essentially what the guys at farmsubsidy.org do, but for every policy area.
  5. European Parliament to choose the Commission President. I’ve been hammering on about this one already. Make the head of a party’s list their candidate to be Commission President. That way a party might actually be able to deliver on its promises during a 5 year parliamentary term.
  6. Legislative initiative for the European Parliament. Currently only the European Commission can propose legislation in Pillar I matters. Why not open this up to allow the EP (and the Council?) to propose legislation? Similar to private member’s bills in national parliaments the Commission drafts could still maintain precedence in the legislative timetable.
  7. Better scrutiny by national parliaments. If all Member States used the Finnish system – where the EU committee of the Parliament is sitting at the same time as Ministers are meeting in the Council – then the disconnect between EU politics and national politics could be partially eliminated. This of course requires national politicians to be diligent too… Hmmm.
  8. 10% Civil Servant Exchanges. National civil servants do not understand the EU, and EU fonctionnaires do not understand national administrations. So a 10% exchange system should be introduced, where civil servants spend 10% of their time (or 1 year in 10) elsewhere – on secondment to Brussels from a national capital or vice versa.
  9. Reshuffling and censure of the European Commission. Why do Commissioners so seldom get shifted from one portfolio to another? Perhaps a motion to move could be introduced in the European Parliament, a signal to the Commission President that an individual – while possibly OK in their own right – is not doing adequately well with their particular portfolio. Power to the EP to censure individual Commissioners (with perhaps a 3/5 majority in the EP) would also help.
  10. Rename things. Why do we have the Council of the EU, the European Council (well, and the Council of Europe – not part of the EU)? Why are 2 different things called RELEX? We need some better terminology for what’s going on.
  11. Get the web strategy right. Maybe more minor than the other points, but each and every DG of the European Commission needs a simple and straightforward website so people can actually find out what’s going on. The information is online (generally) only it’s impossible to find.
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